China Esquire

The International Law News, which is the American Bar Association’s (ABA) publication for the International Law Section, published an article by Richard Gruner entitled “Intellectual Property in the Four Chinas”. You might be wondering if there are four Chinas in the first place since most people think there is one China… unless you are a firm supporter of Taiwan, which is technically the Republic of China. That would give you two.

On that note, Professor Gruner argues astutely:

The analysis of IP laws and their enforcement in China has been hobbled by oversimplifying China itself. A number of astute observers of the developing business environments . . . in China have recognized that there are at least four distinct regional situations–that is, the “four Chinas” within the [PRC]–that are developing as the country emerges into a period of greatly heightened commercial activity.

The regional characteristics . . . of the four regions fo the PRC discussed here create four very different sets of opportunities and problems for IPR holders. The impactof IP varies in different regions of the country because a combination of local differences in types of dominant businesses in local areas, variations of the local political clout of businesses that infringe IPR, and the ability of local officials to grant or withhold strong IP enforcement due to the regional nature of IP enforcement mechanisms in China.

I cannot agree more. China, while it is trying to unify its laws and enforcement of IP law (and other laws, for that matter), is a huge nation. I keep reminding people that China has a landmass that is far more comparable to the entire EU than to America. (yes, there are many geographically challenged Americans) Inevitably, there are bound to be differences. If people forum shop in the U.S. because courts are different, imagine forum shopping in a landmass that encompasses more than three times the population. I think you get the picture.

Gruner identities the Four Chinas as:

1. The municipalities of Beijing, Shanghai, and Hong Kong, and the surrounding areas under the direct control and influence of these cities, which are both commercial centers and heavily industrialized.
2. Coastal China, the areas near China’s coastline other than the major urban centers of the First China, which are often mixed economies with many large scale manufacturing activities conducted at low product cost.
3. Inner China, regions immediately inland from the coastal sections of China, which are heavily dominated by agriculture.
4. Outer China, the western provinces of China and desert areas, which consist mostly of economies of mineral and oil extraction.

Again, this should be no surprise to China watchers. The differences between the “tiered” cities mirrors some of these observations.

Gruner observes that in the First China, “local authorities have strong motivations to pursue IPR enforcement as a means to both reward and enhance local innovators and to entice outsiders . . . to inject new technologies into the local economy through IP licensing.” He approximates the level of IP interest as being similar to those of highly technical western counties like the U.S.

Coastal China’s manufacturing “involves technologies originating in other parts of China or copied (often without proper IP licenses) from foreign sources. The interests of this region are thus largely tied to the . . . profitability of local manufacturing without any reciprocal concern over the lack of IP-based rewards for local innovators.” Gruner concludes about this area:

This region represents the greatest challenges for IP enforcement in China due to both its present economic interests in weak IP enforcement and the breathtaking scope of its infringement capacity in large-scale, low-cost manufacturing of unlicensed goods covered by IPR.

Inner China, on the other hand, will find IP enforcement largely irrelevant except “IP-protected products or services used in agriculture.” On the whole, inner China is more like “unindustrialized portions of Africa.”

Finally, outer China also finds IPR enforcement irrelevant except where mining and oil extraction take place, because businesses “may have significant opportunities to use advanced technologies. While there may be some local innovation in these technologies . . . , these are probably outweighed by the commercial advantages of tolerating infringement.”

Given all of these facts, Gruner argues that a multi-regional view of IP in China is necessary. I agree.

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